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Political Analysis
Fields of Glory, Arenas of Power: The Politics of Sport

Author: Katrin Mayerhofer

International sport never takes a break. A look at recent international coverage reveals a series of scandals: allegations of state-sponsored doping, corruption, and discrimination. It becomes evident that in an increasingly divided world sport is not immune to crises and polarisation.

A large illuminated QATAR 2022 sign on the Corniche curve with the West Bay business district in the background

A large illuminated QATAR 2022 sign on the Corniche curve with the West Bay business district in the background

iStock

More Than a Game: Sport as a Reflection of Socio-Political Developments

Football, cricket, and hockey are sports with worldwide appeal. In stadiums, thousands gather to support their teams; millions more watch sporting events from home. Sport unites people across continents, ethnicities, nations, age groups, social classes, and genders.

Today, sport, especially at the international competitive and professional levels, has evolved into a complex phenomenon intersecting with numerous socio-political issues and areas of conflict. These, in turn, exert a lasting impact on both national and global sporting structures. The topics at play include questions of values and power, disputes and interstate conflicts, structural discrimination, and, ultimately, globalisation. For these reasons, sport should be understood as a mirror reflecting socio-political developments. This is especially apparent in the context of major sporting events. 

Global Games With Global Stakes 

Major sporting events hold a unique significance. They are defined as ‘[...] long-term planned, time-limited events in a country’, ‘[...] in which multinational masses participate directly and via the media’. [1] The emphasis is on so-called ‘first-order games,’ which possess exceptional appeal and attract extensive international attention. [2]

Today, the Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup are considered the two most important „first-order games". They are not only the largest and most popular but also the most commercially significant and media-impactful mega-events worldwide. It is therefore no surprise that a wide range of state and non-state actors seek to leverage their influence. A prime example of this is undoubtedly the 1936 Berlin Olympics, which were extensively exploited by the Nazis for propaganda purposes. Marked by political tensions, boycotts (Moscow 1980, Los Angeles 1984), and protests, the Olympic Games were highly politicized throughout the 20th century – a pattern that has continued.

The political dimension of sport is particulary evident in two aspects: “sportswashing“ and “sports diplomacy“. These two developments reflect both the negative and positive sides of the international sporting world in the 21st century. Both facets will be explored in the following. 

„World Cup of Shame“ 

The instrumentalisation of sport is exemplified by the FIFA World Cup in 2022 in Qatar, a first in many aspects: not only was the hosting of the prestigious tournament awarded to an Arab country for the first time, but it was also held at the end of the year due to the extreme summer heat on the Arabian Peninsula. This “Winter World Cup“ quickly became one of the most controversial major sporting events of the 21st century, soon earning the nickname of “World Cup of Shame“ by Amnesty International. Marked by criticism, controversy, and scandal, one term was repeatedly used to describe the spectacle in the Persian Gulf: sportswashing. 

What is sportswashing? The term gained prominence through criticism by the human rights organization Amnesty International, regardig the staging of the 2019 UEFA Europa League final in Azerbaijan’s capital, Baku. Amnesty condemned restrictions on freedom of speech and the press, the crackdown on journalists and members of the LGBTQIA+ community, and the growing political influence over the judiciary in the country. In this context, Amnesty accused the Azerbaijani government of engaging in sportswashing – using the sporting event to divert attention away from political grievances within the country. [3]

Instrumentalising the Game: Sportswashing as a Strategy of Authoritarian Regimes 

In academic research, this term is increasingly used in connection with authoritarian states, although recent studies suggest that democracies can also engage in „sportswashing“. [4] It is understood as a form of instrumentalisation of sport for political purposes. This phenomenon was already observable in the 20th century, notably with the 1936 Berlin Olympics: the use of the positive aspects of sport – such as its social bonding power, popularity, and economic significance – to divert attention from issues like human rights abuses or political repression. The primary goal is to present oneself in the most favourable light possible. [5] 

To understand the phenomenon of sportswashing in relation to the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar, it is important to take a closer look at the Gulf state. Situated on the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula, Qatar is one of the wealthiest counries in the world due to its abundant oil and gas reserves. It presents itself as economically modern, strategic, and competitive. Politically, however, Qatar is an authoritarian regime [6]: there are no political elections or parties, freedom of speech and the press is heavily restricted, and political participation is extremely limited. [7] The Freedom House Index, which evaluates political rights and civil liberties worldwide, classifies this absolute monarchy as „not free“. [8] 

Currently, FIFA’s list of requirements for hosting the World Cup contains no “red line“ that would exclude authoritarian states from the bidding process. Jérôme Valcke, FIFA Secretary-General from 2007 to 2016, made it clear that FIFA has no qualms about engaging with authoritarian regimes when he stated: “I will say something which is crazy, but less democracy is sometimes better for organizing a World Cup.“ [9] 

The Art of Image-Making

Why is such a small country, with a population of around three million, bidding to host the world’s biggest sporting event? A closer look at the world map offers a possible explanation. In the Middle East, Qatar is surrounded by much larger and more powerful neighbours, such as Iran and Saudi Arabia. German sports journalist Jochen Breyer argued in the documentary “Geheimsache Katar” that Qatar felt vulnerable and that the Emir had a clear objective in bidding to host the World Cup: “It was believed that if Qatar was known around the world, it would be protected.” [10] This consideration certainly plays a significant role. In summary, Qatar pursued three main goals: to improve its internationally tarnished image, to position itself as a stable player in a crisis-ridden region, and to strengthen domestic political legitimacy. How? By asserting its presence on the global stage through sport. 

Easier said than done. From the very start, the World Cup in Qatar and the Gulf state’s ambitions faced significant challenges. In the lead-up to the tournament, serious human rights violations were widely criticised. Reports by the British newspaper The Guardian and Amnesty International, in particular, brought attention to the situation of so-called guest workers. According to their investigations, between 6,500 and around 15,000 non-Qatari citizens have died since the host selection in 2010. [11] [12] The majority of these cases remain unresolved. [13] Official Qatari figures attribute between 400 and 500 deaths to the construction of World Cup stadiums. [14] Western media also highlighted issues such as discrimination against the LGBTQIA+ community and concerns over the tournament’s lack of sustainability.

To obscure these shortcomings, Qatar employed a sophisticated sportswashing strategy which integrated elements of nation branding and public diplomacy. Through a large-scale media campaign aimed at both international and domestic audiences, the Gulf state sought to portray itself as modern, cosmopolitan, inclusive, and economically self-sufficient. No expense or effort was spared in crafting this image. The news agency Bloomberg estimates the campaign budget at 300 billion dollars [15], positioning the 2022 World Cup as one of the most costly state-driven image campaigns in history. British and American PR agencies were hired to enhance Qatar’s international reputation by countering reports of poor labour conditions on World Cup construction sites and engaging in active media relations. [16] [17] 

The Limits of Sportswashing: What Qatar Gained – And Lost – Through the World Cup 

In retrospect, was Qatar able to achieve the goals of its sportswashing strategy? Looking at the Gulf state’s international image, it is still to be regarded as highly ambivalent. In Europe in particular, the anticipated image boost largely failed to materialise. One reason for this is certainly the critical media coverage prior to the World Cup. This conclusion is supported by a survey conducted as part of a study by the Berlin Social Science Center, the Free University of Berlin, and the University of Konstanz, which interviewed nearly 16,000 people in eight European countries before, during and after the World Cup about their perception of Qatar. Respondents in Germany and Sweden, in particular, had a notably critical view of the Gulf State. [18] Its role as a mediator in the war between Israel and Hamas suggests that the Gulf state has emerged as a visible political actor in the region. In July, indirect negotiations were held in Doha to reach a ceasefire and secure the release of the remaining Hamas hostages. Ultimately, the successful organisation of the 2022 World Cup likely also strengthened the regime’s position. In the long term, the country is also expected to benefit from major infrastructures and modernisation projects. Therefore, Qatar’s sportswashing can overall be considered partially successful. 

Contrasts on the Korean Peninsula: Tensions and Transformation

While Qatar tried to shape its international image through a major sporting event, other regions of the world also use sports as a tool. A prime example can be found further east in Asia – a region full of contrasts, particularly evident on the Korean Peninsula. A stable democracy in the South, which has transformed from a developing country into a high-tech nation and whose pop culture has gained global prominence, stands in stark contrast to one of the poorest and least developed countries in the world – characterised by one of the most repressive political systems of our time, primarily known for its nuclear weapons programme. 

The conflict between North and South Korea, simmering since the 1950s and still unresolved, is characterized by alternating periods of tension and rapprochement. The latter was evident during the 2018 Winter Olympics – demonstrating how sport can serve as a tool for diplomatic purposes. 

The Role of Sports in Foreign Policy  

Sports diplomacy can be understood as a subcategory of traditional diplomacy and refers to the use of sport as a tool of foreign policy to improve diplomatic relations, promote intercultural exchange, and convey political messages. The actors involved are diverse. While traditional diplomacy is predominantly conducted by state actors, sports diplomacy extends beyond this governmental framework and can also be carried out by sports federations or by athletes themselves. Sporting events typically serve as the setting in which sports diplomatic activities take place. [19]

Olympic Diplomacy: Between Tension and Hope 

In recent years, the 2018 Winter Olympics have been named as an example of sports diplomacy in the context of inter-Korean relations. The preparations for the Games, held in Pyeongchang, South Korea, were marked by concerns over a potential escalation with the North. Several missile tests, a nuclear test in September, and rhetorical threats exchanged between the United States and North Korea made 2017 a particularly tense year. With the Olympics taking place in the South, a pressing question emerged: how would the regime of Kim Jong Un respond? 

Surprisingly, in his New Year’s address, the North Korean leader announced a new willingness to engage in dialogue with Seoul – marking a rhetorical shift in tone. Indeed, in January, government officials from both countries agreed on the participation of athletes from the North. One of the most symbolic moments happened at the opening ceremony of the Games, when athletes from the North and the South marched together under the Korean Unification flag – a symbolic gesture also observed at previous Olympics in Sydney 2000, Athens 2004, and Turin 2006. In addition, a joint women’s ice hockey team was formed, composed of players from both states. High-ranking officials from the regime also traveled to the South, including Kim Jong Un’s influential sister, Kim Yo Jong. International reactions to this rapprochement were predominantly skeptical. CNBC warned of premature political optimism [20], while CNN saw a “propaganda victory“ for North Korea. [21] The South Korean government faced strong domestic criticism for its political stance. [22] 

Thaw on the Korean Peninsula?

The 2018 Olympics were certainly a momentum for inter-Korean relations, a development that became particularly evident as the year progressed. In April, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and then-South Korean President Moon Jae In held a landmark meeting in Panmunjom, located within the Demilitarized Zone. This was followed by another inter-Korean summit in May and, subsequently, the historic meeting of Kim and U.S. President Donald Trump in Singapore. Central to this summit diplomacy were the issues of North Korea’s denuclearization and measures aimed at reducing military tension. 

In retrospect, the case of the 2018 Olympic Games demonstrates that sports diplomacy served as a vehicle for a temporary détente on the Korean Peninsula by providing a platform for bilateral dialogue. In the long term, however, it cannot be said that the event led to any lasting rapprochement between the conflicting parties. In fact, the diplomatic steps must be viewed as part of a strategy employed by the North Korean regime to present itself on the international stage, thereby enhancing its internal legitimacy through propagandistic means – without any genuine interest in abandoning its nuclear weapons programme or in establishing a stable relationship with its southern neighbour. Indeed, the years following the summit diplomacy were marked by stagnation, diplomatic setbacks and renewed tensions due to missile tests. In summary, sports diplomacy during the 2018 Olympic Games provided a brief moment of harmony, yet remains largely devoid of long-term political substance. 

What Qatar and Korea Reveal About the Future of Sports 

The cases of the 2018 Olympic Games in South Korea and the 2022 World Cup in Qatar demonstrate that international sport has long transcended mere physical activity. For athletes and sports enthusiasts, major sporting events may be fields of glory, but for states, they have become arenas of power where influence and economic gain play an increasingly significant role. Still, the Korean conflict is too complex to be resolved within the framework of a sporting event, and even the allure of the FIFA World Cup is not sufficient to sustainably improve a country’s reputation, as seen in the case of Qatar. 

It remains to be seen which political dimensions sports will exhibit in the future. Will the upcoming 2026 FIFA World Cup in Canada, Mexico, and the United States reflect the political changes in Trump’s America? Or will the 2028 Olympic Games in Los Angeles provide more clarity? One thing is certain: with Saudi Arabia as the host of the 2034 World Cup, the next country with ambitions for sportswashing is already on the horizon.

Sources

[1] Salih, Chaban (2013): Die Public Relations von Mega-Events: Die Fußball-WM 2010 und die Hadsch 2009 und 2010 im Vergleich, Wiesbaden, p. 37. Quotation translated by the author.

[2] Black, David (2008): Dream Big: The Pursuit of ‘Second Order‘ Games as a Strategic Response to Globalization, in: Sport in Society 11:4, p. 467-480.

[3] Amnesty International (2019): Azerbaijan: Baku hosts Europa League Final as government crackdown continues, URL https://www.amnesty.org.uk/press-releases/azerbaijan-baku-hosts-europa-league-final-government-crackdown-continues [22.05.2019]

[4] Boykoff, Jules (2022): Toward a Theory of Sportswashing: Mega-Events, Soft Power, and Political Conflict, in: Sociology of Sport Journal Nr. 39, p. 342-351.

[5] Archer, Alfred/Fruh, Kyle/Wojtowicz, Jake (2023): Sportswashing: Complicity and Corruption, in: Sports, Ethics and Philosophy 17:1, p. 103.

[6] The Economist Intelligence Unit (2024): Democracy Index 2024: What’s wrong with representative democracy?, London, p. 19.

[7] Auswärtiges Amt (2025): Katar: Politischs Porträt, URL https://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/de/service/laender/katar-node/politisches-portrait-202668 [04.03.2025].

[8] Freedom House (2025): Qatar, URL https://freedomhouse.org/country/qatar [30.07.2025].

[9] Reuters (2013): Less democracy makes for an easier World Cup – Valcke, URL https://www.reuters.com/article/sports/-less-democracy-makes-for-an-easier-world-cup-valcke-idUSBRE93N18F/ [24.04.2013].

[10] Breyer, Jochen / Friedrichs, Julia (2022): Geheimsache Katar, URL https://www.zdf.de/play/dokus/zdfzeit-106/zdfzeit-geheimsache-katar-100 [08.11.2022]. Quotation around 05:30min, translated by the author.

[11] The Guardian (2021): Revealed: 6,500 migrant workers have died in Qatar since World Cup awarded, URL  https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/feb/23/revealed-migrant-worker-deaths-qatar-fifa-world-cup-2022 [23.02.2021].

[12] Amnesty International (2021): Qatar: Failure to investigate migrant worker deaths leaves families in despair, URL https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/08/qatar-failure-to-investigate-migrant-worker-deaths-leaves-families-in-despair/ [26.08.2021].

[13] e.g., Amnesty International (2021)

[14] Die Zeit (2022): WM-OK-Chef spricht von bis zu 500 toten Wanderarbeitern, URL https://www.zeit.de/sport/2022-11/katar-fussball-wm-gestorbene-gastarbeiter-hassan-al-thawadi [29.11.2022].

[15] Bloomberg (2022): Qatar’s $300 Billion World Cup: Is the Exhibition Worth It?, URL https://www.bloomberglinea.com/english/qatars-300-billion-world-cup-is-the-exhibition-worth-it/ [15.12.2022].

[16] Waterson, Jim (2022): A fortune’s coming home: how British PR firms won big representing Qatar, URL https://www.theguardian.com/football/2022/dec/16/how-british-pr-firms-won-big-representing-qatar-2022-world-cup[16.12.2022].

[17] Strauss, Ben (2025): Migrant workers accuse U.S. PR firms of helping Qatar hide World Cup abuses, URL, https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2025/04/24/quarter-world-cup-migrant-lawsuit/? [24.04.2025].

[18] Hellmeier, Sebastian / Zürn, Michael (2022): Fußball-WM und Menschenrechte in Katar: Wo der Propaganda-Effekt nicht verfing, URL https://www.wzb.eu/de/fussball-wm-und-menschenrechte-in-katar-wo-der-propaganda-effekt-nicht-verfing [21.12.2022].

[19] Murray, Stuart/Pigman, Geoffrey Allen (2014): Mapping the relationship between international sport and diplomacy, in: Sport in Society 17:9, S. 1098-1118.

[20] Ellyatt, Holly (2018): North Korea has embraced the Olympics – but don’t expect any political optimism to last, URL https://www.cnbc.com/2018/02/08/north-korea-embraced-olympics-dont-expect-political-optimism-to-last.html [08.02.2018].

[21] Tarabay, Jamie (2018): After North and South Korea’s Olympic rapprochement, a reality check, URL https://edition.cnn.com/2018/02/25/asia/north-south-korea-post-olympics-intl [26.02.2018].

[22] McCurry, Justin et al. (2018): Frosty reception for South Korea’s Winter Olympics detente with North, URL https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/19/frosty-reception-for-south-koreas-winter-olympics-detente-with-north [19.01.2018].

About the Author

Katrin Mayerhofer is a PhD candidate at the University of Passau. Her doctoral research examines the politicization of sports, with a particular focus on mega-events such as the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cups. She investigates how political agendas and public discourse are shaped by and reflected in these global spectacles. Previously, she studied Political Science at the University of Passau, the Friedrich Schiller University Jena, and the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) in Trondheim. Her academic interests lie at the intersection of politics, society, and sport , with an emphasis on comparative and international perspectives.

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